What Did the Art of War Say About Landscape
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The Art of War, past Lionel Giles, [1910], at sacred-texts.com
Apologies for State of war.
Accepted as nosotros are to think of China as the greatest peace-loving nation on earth, nosotros are in some danger of
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forgetting that her experience of war in all its phases has likewise been such equally no modernistic State can parallel. Her long military annals stretch back to a signal at which they are lost in the mists of time. She had congenital the Smashing Wall and was maintaining a huge standing ground forces along her frontier centuries before the first Roman legionary was seen on the Danube. What with the perpetual collisions of the ancient feudal States, the grim conflicts with Huns, Turks and other invaders after the centralisation of authorities, the terrific upheavals which accompanied the overthrow of so many dynasties, besides the endless rebellions and pocket-size disturbances that have flamed up and flickered out over again one by 1, it is inappreciably too much to say that the clash of arms has never ceased to resound in one portion or another of the Empire.
No less remarkable is the succession of illustrious captains to whom China can betoken with pride. As in all countries, the greatest are found emerging at the most fateful crises of her history. Thus, Po Ch'i stands out conspicuous in the menses when Ch'in was inbound upon her final struggle with the remaining independent states. The stormy years which followed the interruption-up of the Ch'in dynasty are illumined by the transcendent genius of Han Hsin. When the House of Han in turn is tottering to its autumn, the great and calamitous figure of Ts'ao Ts'ao dominates the scene. And in the establishment of the T'ang dynasty, i of the mightiest tasks achieved past man, the superhuman free energy of Li Shih-min (afterwards the Emperor T'ai Tsung) was seconded by the brilliant strategy of Li Ching. None of these generals need fear comparison with the greatest names in the military history of Europe.
In spite of all this, the great body of Chinese sentiment, from Lao Tzŭ downwards, and especially every bit reflected in the standard literature of Confucianism, has been consistently pacific, and intensely opposed to militarism in any form. Information technology is such an uncommon thing to find any of the literati
p. xlv
defending warfare on principle, that I accept thought it worth while to collect and translate a few passages in which the unorthodox view is upheld. The following, past Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien, shows that for all his ardent adoration of Confucius, he was withal no abet of peace at any price:—
Military weapons are the ways used by the Sage to punish violence and cruelty, to give peace to troublous times, to remove difficulties and dangers, and to succour those who are in peril. Every fauna with blood in its veins and horns on its head will fight when it is attacked. How much more than so will man, who carries in his breast the faculties of love and hatred, joy and acrimony! When he is pleased, a feeling of affection springs upwards inside him; when angry, his poisoned sting is brought into play. That is the natural law which governs his being . . . . What then shall exist said of those scholars of our time, blind to all keen problems, and without any appreciation of relative values, who can only bawl out their dried formulas nearly "virtue" and "civilisation," condemning the use of armed forces weapons? They will surely bring our country to impotence and dishonour and the loss of her rightful heritage; or, at the very least, they will bring well-nigh invasion and rebellion, sacrifice of territory and full general enfeeblement. Withal they obstinately refuse to modify the position they have taken upwardly. The truth is that, just every bit in the family the teacher must not spare the rod, and punishments cannot exist dispensed with in the State, so military chastisement tin never be immune to fall into cessation in the Empire. All one can say is that this power will exist exercised wisely by some, foolishly by others, and that amidst those who conduct artillery some will exist loyal and others rebellious.ane
The next piece is taken from Tu Mu'southward preface to his commentary on Sun Tzŭ:—
War may be defined as punishment, which is ane of the functions of government. It was the profession of Chung Yu and January Ch'iu, both
p. xlvi
disciples of Confucius. Nowadays, the holding of trials and hearing of litigation, the imprisonment of offenders and their execution by flogging in the market-place, are all washed past officials. But the wielding of huge armies, the throwing downward of fortified cities, the haling of women and children into captivity, and the beheading of traitors—this is likewise piece of work which is done by officials. The objects of the rack1 and of military machine weapons are substantially the same. There is no intrinsic difference between the punishment of flogging and cutting off heads in state of war. For the bottom infractions of police force, which are easily dealt with, merely a pocket-size amount of forcefulness need be employed: hence the institution of torture and flogging. For more than serious outbreaks of lawlessness, which are hard to suppress, a greater amount of force is necessary: hence the use of military machine weapons and wholesale decapitation. In both cases, however, the stop in view is to become rid of wicked people, and to requite comfort and relief to the good2 …
Chi-sun asked January Yu, saying: "Have you, Sir, acquired your military aptitude by study, or is it innate?" Jan Yu replied: "It has been caused by study."3 "How tin that be so," said Chi-sun, "seeing that you are a disciple of Confucius?" "It is a fact," replied Jan Yu; "I was taught by Confucius. It is plumbing fixtures that the great Sage should practise both ceremonious and military machine functions, though to exist sure my instruction in the fine art of fighting has not yet gone very far."
At present, who the author was of this rigid stardom between the "civil" and the "military," and the limitation of each to a separate sphere of activity, or in what twelvemonth of which dynasty it was first introduced, is more than I can say. But, at any charge per unit, it has come up near that the members of the governing class are quite agape of enlarging on military topics, or do so only in a shamefaced fashion. If whatsoever are assuming enough to discuss the subject field, they are at once set down as eccentric individuals of coarse and brutal propensities. This is an extraordinary instance of the mode in
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which, through sheer lack of reasoning, men unhappily lose sight of primal principles.1
When the Duke of Chou was minister under Ch'êng Wang, he regulated ceremonies and made music, and venerated the arts of scholarship and learning; yet when the barbarians of the River Huai revolted,two he sallied along and chastised them. When Confucius held function under the Duke of Lu, and a meeting was convened at Chia-ku,three he said: "If pacific negotiations are in progress, warlike preparations should have been made beforehand." He rebuked and shamed the Marquis of Ch'i, who cowered nether him and dared not go on to violence. How tin it be said that these two great Sages had no knowledge of military matters?iv
We take seen that the great Chu Hsi held Sun Tzŭ in high esteem. He as well appeals to the authority of the Classics:—
Our Main Confucius, answering Knuckles Ling of Wei, said: "I accept never studied matters connected with armies and battalions."5 Replying to K'ung Wên-tzŭ, he said: "I accept non been instructed near buff-coats and weapons."6 "But if nosotros turn to the meeting at Chia-ku,7 we find that he used armed force confronting the men of Lai,8 and so that the marquis of Ch'i was overawed. Once again, when the inhabitants of Pi revolted, he ordered his officers to set on them, whereupon they were defeated and fled in confusion.9 He once tittered the words: "If I fight, I
p. xlviii
conquer."ane And Jan Yu too said: "The Sage exercises both civil and military functions."2 Tin it be a fact that Confucius never studied or received instruction in the art of war? Nosotros tin only say that he did not specially choose matters connected with armies and fighting to exist the subject of his education.3
Sun Hsing-yen, the editor of Sun Tzŭ, writes in similar strain:—
Confucius said: "I am unversed in armed forces matters."4 He also said: "If I fight, I conquer."iv Confucius ordered ceremonies and regulated music. Now war constitutes one of the five classes of State ceremonial,5 and must not exist treated equally an independent co-operative of study. Hence, the words "I am unversed in" must be taken to mean that in that location are things which even an inspired Teacher does non know. Those who have to pb an ground forces and devise stratagems, must learn the art of war. Merely if one can command the services of a good general like Sun Tzŭ, who was employed by Wu Tzŭ-hsü, in that location is no need to learn information technology oneself. Hence the remark added by Confucius: "If I fight, I conquer."6
The men of the nowadays twenty-four hours, however, wilfully translate these words of Confucius in their narrowest sense, equally though he meant that books on the art of state of war were not worth reading. With blind persistency, they adduce the example of Chao Kua, who pored over his father's books to no purpose,seven as a proof that all military theory is useless. Once more, seeing
p. xlix
that books on war take to do with such things equally opportunism in designing plans, and the conversion of spies, they concur that the fine art is immoral and unworthy of a sage. These people ignore the fact that the studies of our scholars and the ceremonious assistants of our officials also crave steady awarding and do before efficiency is reached. The ancients were specially chary of allowing mere novices to botch their piece of work.1 Weapons are noxiousii and fighting perilous; and unless a full general is in abiding practise, he ought not to take a chance other men's lives in battle.iii Hence information technology is essential that Lord's day Tzŭ's thirteen capacity should be studied.iv
Hsiang Liang used to instruct his nephew Chi5 in the art of war. Chi got a rough idea of the fine art in its full general bearings, simply would not pursue his studies to their proper effect, the event being that he was finally defeated and overthrown. He did not realise that the tricks and artifices of war are beyond verbal ciphering. Knuckles Hsiang of Sung6 and King Yen of Hsü7 were brought to destruction by their misplaced humanity. The treacherous and underhand nature of state of war necessitates the use of guile and stratagem suited to the occasion. There is a case on record of Confucius himself having violated an extorted adjuration,8 and also of his having left the Sung Land in disguise.ix Can we then recklessly blame Dominicus Tzŭ for disregarding truth and honesty?10
Footnotes
xlv:1 Shih Chi, ch. 25, fol. 1: #.
xlvi:i The starting time Instance of # in the P'ei Wên Yün Fu is from Ssŭ-ma Ch'ien's letter to # Jên An (run into #, ch. 41, f. 9 r°), where M. Chavannes translates it "la cangue et la chaîne." But in the present passage information technology seems rather to indicate some single instrument of torture.
xlvi:2 #.
xlvi:3 Cf. Shih Chi, cf. 47, f. 11 v°.
xlvii:1 #.
xlvii:2 See Shu Ching, preface § 55.
xlvii:3 See Tso Chuan, # X. 2; Shih Chi, ch. 47, t. iv r°.
xlvii:four #.
xlvii:5 Lun Yü, Xv, one.
xlvii:6 Tso Chuan, #, XI.
xlvii:seven Encounter supra.
xlvii:eight Tso Chuan, #, X. 2.
xlvii:9 Ibid. XII. 5; Chia Yü, ch. 1 ad fin.
xlviii:i I have failed to trace this utterance. Run into note 2 on p. xliii.
xlviii:2 See supra.
xlviii:3 #, loc. cit.: #.
xlviii:4 See supra.
xlviii:5 Viz., #. the other 4 being #, #, # and # "worship, mourning, entertainment of guests and festive rites." Come across Shu Ching, Ii, ane, 3. 8, and Chou Li, IX, fol. 49.
xlviii:6 Preface to Sun Tzŭ: #.
xlviii:7 See p. 166.
xlix:1 This is a rather obscure allusion to Tso Chuan, #, XXXI. 4, where Tzŭ-ch'an says: # "If you have a piece of cute brocade, you lot will nor apply a mere learner to make it upward."
xlix:2 Cf. Tao Tê Ching, ch. 31: #.
xlix:3 Sun Hsing-yen might take quoted Confucius again. Encounter Lun Yü, 13. 29, 30.
xlix:4 #.
xlix:5 Better known every bit Hsiang # Yü [B.C. 233–202].
xlix:half dozen The third among the # (or #) enumerated on p. 141. For the incident referred to, see Tso Chuan, #, XXII. 4.
xlix:7 See supra, p. 16, note 4.
xlix:8 Shih Chi, ch. 47, f. seven r°.
xlix:ix Ibid., ch. 38, f. viii v°.
xlix:10 # p. 50 #.
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